Pat Quinn, governor of Illinois.

Thirty years ago, the notion that the gadfly populist someday would be the state’s chief executive was laughable.

Traipsing around the state back then on a quixotic mission to change Illinois politics, Quinn was viewed widely as a burr under the saddle of the powers-that-be, but certainly not a serious prospect for high office.

Even after his 1990 election as state treasurer, political insiders still saw Quinn as the quintessential outsider, disliked by many for his role in cutting the size of the Illinois House by one-third.

Now as a new year dawns, many of those same politicos and pundits — along with a huge majority of the Illinois electorate — are greeting the idea of Quinn as the state’s chief executive with the same kind of excitement and enthusiasm usually reserved for World Series winners.

While Quinn has performed ably as lieutenant governor over the last six years, that’s hardly the reason for such unbridled joy. Rather, it’s the guy Quinn is replacing, Rod Blagojevich, arguably the most corrupt (see the criminal complaint filed December 9 by federal prosecutors), least competent (read the auditor general’s reports on his administration) governor in living memory.

“I never thought I’d say I’d sleep better if Pat Quinn were governor,” former Gov. Jim Edgar told a reporter shortly after criminal charges were filed against Blagojevich, neatly capturing the feelings of many who’ve watched Prairie State politics for years.

Once the euphoria wears off, though, what might one expect with a Gov. Quinn? How would a new chief executive and an incoming 96th General Assembly impact the long-standing dysfunction among the state’s top leaders?

Perhaps the most significant change, one that could open the door to resolution of a host of vexing issues, is trust. Lawmakers may not like Quinn’s maverick record or populist instincts, but they know they can accept his word as his bond and not worry that he’ll double-cross them when it suits his purposes.

Blagojevich lost that trust early in his first term, when he lied to state officials and lawmakers about budget cuts. That was the first step in souring his relationship with the legislature, and the following year, he was forced to sign memorandums of understanding — written guarantees that he wouldn’t renege on his promises — to get a budget passed.

Without trust — the confidence that all parties will do what they commit to do — meaningful negotiations on difficult issues are impossible. For example, despite widespread consensus that a major public works program is needed, lawmakers have been wary of passing one because they haven’t trusted Blago-jevich to honor project commitments.

Legislators and Quinn certainly will differ on exactly what’s going to be in a capital program. Quinn has argued for a greater commitment to environmentally friendly projects than included in pending legislation, but once a deal is struck, no one needs to worry whether Quinn will keep his word.

Moreover, look for Quinn to be less vindictive, less given to political retaliation, than his predecessor. Within days of Blagojevich’s arrest, Quinn pledged to reopen state parks and historic sites Blagojevich closed, as well as to review Blagojevich’s plans to mothball Pontiac Correctional Center and to relocate a division of the state Transportation Department to southern Illinois from Springfield, decisions widely viewed as political retribution aimed at GOP 
senators.

In addition, Quinn will be more engaged with the General Assembly than his predecessor, reverting to the old pattern in which the governor and the legislative leaders actively seek good-faith compromises on major issues. That will be a welcome change from Blago-jevich’s penchant for remaining aloof throughout the spring session, then rewriting bills to suit his fancy and challenging lawmakers to accept his way or hit the highway. Quinn won’t be a pushover, but neither will he demonize those who disagree with him in good faith.

Nor is Quinn likely to emulate Blagojevich’s demagoguery on state finance. While Blagojevich’s rhetoric has been staunch opposition to income and sales tax increases, he — with the complicity of the legislature’s Democratic majorities — has pushed spending higher each year he’s been in office, relying on accounting gimmickry and fiscal sleight-of-hand to manage a widening deficit, headed toward $4 billion at year’s end.

Few knowledgeable people think Illinois can dig itself out of a hole that deep without some combination of tax increases and spending cuts. History suggests Quinn will be open to revisions to the state’s tax structure and spending obligations. In 2004, for example, he pushed for higher income tax rates on the state’s wealthiest taxpayers to boost school funding and reduce local property taxes. He also was a vocal opponent of Blagojevich’s proposed $6 billion tax on business revenues, arguing that consumers and small businesses would suffer.

As governor, Quinn certainly will pursue his long-standing populist agenda, pushing for constitutional amendments to allow voters to recall unpopular elected officials and to enact laws by initiative and referendum.

A longtime critic of pay-to-play, Quinn also is sure to propose tighter campaign finance rules, perhaps even a limit on contributions, and tougher ethics standards. And state workers are looking forward to Quinn’s proposed “fumigation” of state government, anticipating the departure of what many see as a cadre of political hacks Blagojevich put in key positions, and an influx of criti-cally needed front-line workers in such areas as human services and state prisons.

As governor, Quinn may have to accept the State Police executive security details that come with the job — a perk he declined as lieutenant governor — and he promised to live in the Executive Mansion in Springfield, which Blago-jevich scarcely visited, to the annoyance of Capital City residents.

Symbolic gesture? Perhaps ... but a change of address Illinois citizens are widely applauding.

Now as a new year dawns, many of those same politicos and pundits — along with a huge majority of the Illinois electorate — are greeting the idea of Quinn as the state’s chief executive with the same kind of enthusiasm usually reserved for World Series winners.

Charles N. Wheeler III is director of the Public Affairs Reporting program at the University of Illinois at Springfield. 

Illinois Issues, January 2009